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While they complain about oppression and poor terms and conditions, few attempt to leave, deterred by lack of skills and alternatives.

The daily struggle to meet practical needs serves to retain the status quo. To ensure this, the Government must support its own employment legislation that protects the rights of the workers, as discussed below: First, there is a need for Government to effectively monitor existing labour practices and enforce sanctions in cases of violation.

The illegal routine of continuously reemploying workers on casual contracts is one example. The number of working hours is another example. The law stipulates a maximum of 56 working hours per week - in comparison, tea pickers at Madhvani in Mubende work up to 66 hours per week.

It is important that the Government puts pressure on plantation owners to ensure safe and healthy working practices, such as providing protective clothing. Secondly, the low wages paid at Mwera highlights the urgency of revising the minimum wage legislation in Uganda. The minimum wage has been set at Shs. In the Wage Review Commission recommended that this should be increased to Shs. The Cabinet then reduced this amount to Shs.

As illustrated in Table 12, production increased steadily during the s, but rice is not yet a major crop in Uganda. To illustrate, the total production of millet is around six times higher. Almost all of the rice cultivated domestically is also consumed domestically but this is not sufficient to cover demand for rice and Uganda is a net rice importer. Rice imports have increased during the last decade, although a downward trend has been observed in recent years. Agricultural imports generally fell during this period, making rice an important exception.

Rice is cultivated in wetlands, primarily in the Eastern and North-western regions. Table 12 Production and Import of rice, For a better understanding of the livelihoods of people involved in rice cultivation we turn our attention to Bugiri in Eastern Uganda. More specifically, the rice-growing scheme of Tilda Uganda Limited. At Tilda, men from the neighbouring village, Butema, are employed as casual workers - mostly to scare off birds. However, they do not depend on casual work for survival.

Rather it is a component of the livelihood strategies pursued by the men and their families, so their conditions are not so desperate. Most of them have small pieces of land on which they grow food, they keep poultry and their wives may engage in petty trading and brewing. Encouragingly, the village participants noted that through hard work, saving and investing in income-generating activities this group could become better-off.

Unfortunately, current production practices have had detrimental environmental impacts. Land is becoming increasingly scarce because the rice scheme is taking up a substantial amount of what is available.

This, combined with population pressure, has led people to cut trees to clear more land for settlement and cultivation.

As a consequence, the soil cover on the hills is now very thin and there has also been serious flooding. In addition, Tilda Uganda Limited carries out aerial spraying to control weeds, but local people reported that it is killing their poultry and livestock. They are also frightened about its impact on their own health. In sum, although the rice scheme provides extra income for some families, it is clear that this is happening at the expense of livelihood opportunities of other families in the village, because land is becoming more scarce.

National production satisfies most of domestic demand, but cheap imported sugar also enters the country, both legally and illegally.

As illustrated in Table 13, sugar imports have increased over the decade, although they are still at relatively low levels. Table 13 Production and Import of Sugar, Imports are 'raw equivalent'. We report here of a livelihood study of temporary plantation workers at Kakira sugarcane estate in Jinja, Central region also owned by the Madhvani Company.

Most of the workers are employed on a temporary contract for 12 months and do not work longer than that. Most of the labour have been recruited from far away districts such as Arua, Mbale, Kabale and Kamuli districts and housed in 23 residential camps on the estate.

When the workers were recruited they were promised a salary of Shs. The reality, however, is very different. At the end of the day, cane cutters have only Shs. But even this amount is not certain as payment is on a piece-rate basis.

The workers are expected to cut 85 bundles of 15 canes each per day or to harvest a specific number of rows covering a specified area. This results in many workers working for a whole week but only being paid for three days of work.

Some of the workers form rotational savings schemes of members, in which the participants hand over their entire monthly salary to each member of the group on a rotational basis.

These schemes enable some to buy sought-after items such as radios and bicycles, but others waste the money on drinking and prostitutes. While the group members wait their turn to receive a payment they borrow money to survive.

The cane cutters work from 5am until 7pm, with a break at 3pm for a cup of porridge provided by the company.

These working hours violate the agreement between NUPAWU and Kakira as well as national legislation, which both stipulate a 40 hour working week. Workers complained bitterly of perpetual harassment by supervisors, leading to anxiety, depression and low self esteem. Most attempts to stand up for their own rights result in summary dismissals and terminations.

Sometimes the workers resort to sugar-cane burning as a way of avenging the employer's perceived injustices The living conditions on the estate are very poor. Four to six workers share one room in dilapidated houses that have not been repaired for over three decades. Contact with spouses is not allowed during the one-year period of the contract.

The water provided is unsafe, as it is pumped directly from Lake Victoria. These conditions are in stark contrast to the prospects the men were promised as they were recruited. The fact that the workers are far away from home makes it almost impossible to leave the estate as they would not be able to afford the bus fare. Nor are the workers allowed to run any kind of businesses in the camps so it becomes meaningless for them to invest in productive assets.

When the contract is over, the company provides transport home. The workers, however, rightly fear that their families will get very angry and disappointed when they realise that they have returned empty-handed. It is the responsibility of Government to ensure that investors do not become so strong that they can get away with evident exploitation of labour.

There is a need to strengthen the occupational health and safety inspectorate of the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development so that it can work more effectively with District Labour Offices to make sure that workers are not being exposed to exploitative working conditions. The fishing industry has become more sophisticated in recent years following the abolition of the EU ban and the subsequent surge in demand.

The number of boats has increased, carrying a greater number of nets. Improvements in infrastructure have also taken place allowing large companies to buy fresh fish directly from the site, using refrigerated trucks.

The main export market is Europe with around two-thirds of all exports. The livelihood analysis of fishing communities presented here is more general than that for other sectors because six very different communities are covered: Kasensero Rakai , Busabala Wakiso , Gorofa Bugiri , Ntoroko Bundibugyo , Kigungu Masindi and Acomia Soroti. All six fishing sites share many similar features, although of course there are important points of distinction.

This analysis focuses on their common characteristics with the purpose of drawing policy recommendations relevant to the sector as a whole. In all the sites, livelihoods depend on and revolve around the fishing industry with few involved in agriculture. The main livelihood groups include boat owners the wealthiest group and fishermen, who hire boats and sometimes nets from owners. People also earn a living in a variety of other ways at the landing sites. Women engage in trade and run bars and restaurants.

The boat owners and fishermen often split the catch equally, and the fishermen split the catch between themselves. In Gorofa, terms for fishermen are lowest with fishermen receiving only 20 per cent of the catch.

Fishermen also bargain with the companies who buy their fish, but their bargaining power is low. The sellers complained bitterly about being cheated by the processors. The root causes of this exploitation is the lack of organisation between fishermen combined with the perishable nature of fish. Tradition and cultural norms surrounding the fishing industry prohibit women from fishing. Women do not tend to own boats either. The consequences are domestic violence, alcoholism, infidelity and prostitution.

Prostitution is a major source of livelihood among women at the fishing sites. The availability of cash income in the hands of young men combined with plenty of redundant and idle time has lead to increasing levels of prostitution. Most prostitutes do not protect themselves from AIDS because their clients prefer not to use condoms. In all sites, fishermen reported a declining fish catch. This was attributed to use of the wrong type of nets, over-fishing, poisoning of fish by fishermen and pollution of Lake Victoria by fish processing companies.

There is some evidence that the increased economic activity in the fishing areas have benefited the wider community in terms of small investments by wealthy fishermen in shops, video halls, restaurants and lodges. A few poor people may benefit from this capitalist expansion in terms of increased employment opportunities, although the services on offer are unaffordable to them.

There appears to be limited upward mobility in the communities, with few fishermen becoming boat owners. Fishermen ascribed this to lack of capital, and this was commonly attributed to the absence of a savings culture. Fishing offers immediate profits for a while, and these profits are also immediately consumed, often in alcohol and on prostitutes. Across the sites, residents complained of multiple taxes on fishing. Taxes mentioned included: income tax; graduated tax; licence fees for boats, engines, fish, nets, fish trading and processing paid to the fisheries officers, charges on landing a boat and on selling fish in the market paid to the tenders of landing sites.

Despite over-taxation, the fishermen get very poor public services in return. Water supply, roads and health services are generally in a poor state.

There is an urgent need to address the very unhygienic sanitary conditions at the landing sites. People relieve themselves in and around the lake and at the same time people use the lake water for drinking.

This leads to problems with dysentery, cholera and diarrhoea. Policy Recommendations A number of policy recommendations emerge from the analysis of the fishing communities: First, there is evidence to suggest that fishermen are being over-taxed. Thus while government benefits from high tax revenue and booming exports, there are limited returns to the fishermen and their families, who do not seem to be prospering nor enjoying the public goods that the government is responsible for providing.

The government should therefore promote the membership of legally recognised fisheries community organisations. Such organisations could help to give a sense of ownership of resources to fishing communities and awareness of rights and responsibilities in access to and management of resources.

Indeed, many of the people involved in growing tea, cutting sugar cane and growing tobacco are caught in a state of poverty. Important explanatory factors include low levels of co-operation and organisation among small producers; exploitative contract and employment practices by large companies; and unequal power relations between men and women especially at the intra-household level.

There is evidence for some crops that current production patterns show signs of being environmentally unsustainable. It is important that Government recognises its own role and responsibilities in ensuring that the benefits of trade do effectively trickle- down to poor producers. Thus, trade was an important factor contributing to poverty reduction.

The headcount poverty index fell from 56 per cent in to 46 per cent in , due largely to growth in coffee production, and to 35 per cent by , with the most recent reduction reflecting growth in food crop production.

While the gains from trade and growth are widely distributed, with average incomes in most regions and types of households increasing, they are not evenly distributed there is no evidence of a decline in income inequality.

Some households have been unaffected, and some may even have suffered a loss of income including some urban wage labour and especially households with a non-working head - AIDS is an important factor here. The Northern regions have benefited least, although this may have been alleviated recently as cotton production and exports increased.

Growth in cash crop production was a more important source of poverty reduction than increased food crop production over , but the proportional contributions were reversed over The incidence of poverty is greater in more remote, and less secure, regions, and among large families often where relatives are caring for AIDS orphans. In the late s, expenditure on primary education increased per cent, on primary health care by per cent, on agriculture by per cent and on roads by per cent MFPED, a.

Despite these achievements, the problem remains immense and many people and regions remain vulnerable poor transport and lack of access to markets are a major problem. The analysis presented in Section 3 demonstrates that trade has made an important contribution to this reduction in poverty.

In the first half of the s, most of the gain from trade was through coffee exports. Since the late s, however, significant export diversification has occurred, although exports are still largely of primary commodities. As export growth has contributed to economic growth, it has contributed to poverty reduction. Section 3 also demonstrated that the gains from trade are unevenly distributed, some households derived no benefits and some even suffered losses.

Section 4 showed that even in some export sectors, the lowest paid workers derived negligible benefits. Thus, while trade has benefited the Ugandan economy on aggregate, and increased average incomes, some remain rooted in poverty.

This is to be expected: trade and growth can reduce poverty, but trade alone will not eradicate poverty. In this final section we aim to do two things. Future Ugandan trade policy should aim to consolidate the gains, i. Furthermore, complementary government policies will be needed to target the poor in sectors or households that are marginalised from international trade.

These issues are addressed in the second sub- section, which considers the sustainability of trade policy, before concluding with how trade can be integrated into the PEAP. Who gained from trade? Household types Principal factors Coffee farmers Increased farm-gate prices; favourable world prices, liberalisation of marketing Food crop farmers Increased demand associated with growth in the economy, leading to higher prices Self-employed Increased demand for the services they provide e.

Rural wage labour Increased demand for labour given growth of agriculture production Central region Coffee and food crop production Western region Coffee and food crop production Eastern region less Food crop and tea production Who did not gain from trade? Household types Principal factors Non-working households Received lower transfer incomes but faced higher consumer prices especially food.

Northern region Poor performance of cotton and insecurity The summaries above show that the gains from trade export growth were widespread, although concentrated in households producers or providers of services and regions where cash and food crop agriculture predominated. Although not specified in the CGE model, households engaged in non-traditional exports, especially fish, will also have gained in more recent years.

The growth in exports benefited not only the households engaged in export sectors but also provided a dynamic gain. The increase in incomes increased general demand for food and services and spread the benefits more widely throughout the economy. The households that did benefit from trade, or that derived limited benefits in the s, comprise three distinct types. First, the Northern region is remote from the dynamic parts of the economy, faces insecurity and is more vulnerable to droughts, and is relatively dependent on cotton in the s, production and world prices were low.

This is the poorest region. Nevertheless, improved transport and marketing infrastructure would integrate the North better with the rest of the country. This would facilitate increased exports and may reduce the price of food transported to the region. Second, urban wage earners are likely to have borne the cost of increased competition from imports.

To some extent this is a short-run adjustment cost. If food crop production continues to expand, food prices will decline and this will increase the real incomes purchasing power of urban workers. This type of wire is not capable of supporting computer network traffic and is not twisted. This type of wire can support computer network and telephone traffic. CAT2 is used mostly for token ring networks, supporting speeds up to 4 Mbps.

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